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  • 29Aug

    As west coast gangs like the Bloods and Crips spread across America, many wonder how it is happening so fast.  As this article makes clear, imprisonment is one of the most useful tools for gang members to spread their ideology.  The sociological theory ‘differential association’ says that prison is a school for crime, not a place for rehabilitation as its proponents would have us believe.  As one of my friends said recently, “When I was locked up I had to either mind my own business and read on my own or chill with the dudes inside and learn how to be a better criminal… so I minded my own business and just did my time.”  The following quote is a good part of this article that speaks to my point:

    The ranks of the two gangs appear to be growing locally, in part, because of men returning from jail or prison who joined the gangs for protection behind bars. In Trinidad, some of those men are persuading neighborhood crews to affiliate with a gang, police said.

    For survival in prison, they align themselves with these gangs, like the Bloods, the Crips, the Latin Kings. Now they are coming back to the neighborhood and bringing what they learned,” said a D.C. law enforcement source, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the investigation is continuing.

    West Coast Gangs Are Making Inroads

    Two members of the Athens Park Bloods set in L.A. depicted in the best movie/documentary ever, “Bastards of the Party” by Cle “Bone” Sloan an inactive member of the APB.  The one on the right has been killed.

    Washington D.C. – The emergence of Bloods and Crips, gangs that originated on the West Coast and are establishing themselves in the Washington area, has contributed to several homicides in Prince George’s County this year and has become a growing concern in the District, law enforcement officials said.

    Bloods, and to a lesser degree their rival Crips, are suspects in several crimes in a wide swath from Prince William County to Baltimore. “We are seeing their numbers growing right now,” said Capt. Bill Lynn, commander of the Prince George’s police gang unit. “The Crips and Bloods are the focus for law enforcement now, not only here but around the region, because of the violence they perpetrate.”

    In the District’s Trinidad neighborhood, which had a spate of violence this summer, young people are wearing the Bloods’ colors, flashing the gang’s hand signs and selling drugs near a community recreation center, authorities said. Police said they have not tied Bloods to any homicides in the Northeast neighborhood.

    In Montgomery County, authorities linked a shooting and three stabbings near the Shady Grove Metro station in November to a feud between Bloods and Crips; two men have been convicted in the case. And in Baltimore, a federal grand jury in February indicted 28 members of a gang called the Tree Top Piru Bloods on charges including murder, robbery, drug trafficking and witness intimidation.

    In Prince William, two members of a Bloods “set,” or group, were convicted last year on a gang statute after breaking into a police officer’s house to steal guns and attacking his girlfriend.

    “We’ve started seeing more and more signs of the Crips and Bloods — more Bloods than Crips,” said D.C. Police Chief Cathy L. Lanier, speaking about the gang problem. “We are seeing a growing presence in the graffiti, the clothing, the symbols.”

    Among the signs, she said, are an increasing number of young men who have the dog paw brand or tattoo, sometimes called Triple O’s, on the right side of their bodies, which is common among Bloods.

    Crips burn or tattoo such symbols as the six-pointed Star of David on their left sides, law enforcement officials said. Bloods are associated with the color red; Crips, with blue.

    “There is some indication of activity in the District based on tagging, graffiti and people flying colors and throwing signs,” said Assistant U.S. Attorney Albert Herring, who specializes in gang intervention and prevention in the District. “I think what’s difficult to determine at this point is how much of that activity is associated with people who are actually Bloods, in sanctioned sets, and people who are claiming to be affiliated but are not.”

    Some authorities said local gangs might be copying what they perceive to be the behavior of two predominantly African American gangs sometimes glamorized in popular culture.

    Bob Bermingham, Fairfax County’s gang prevention coordinator, said that the two gangs are no more active than others in his county but that more local crews are taking their names. “They run around saying we are the Ravenswood Boys, and everybody says, ‘So what?’ ” he said. “But if they say they’re the Ravenswood Bloods, suddenly they have some credibility.”

    Lynn, of the Prince George’s police, said that even if local gang affiliates might be less organized than established sets elsewhere, they are no less dangerous. “A lot of people like to say someone is a ‘wannabe,’ ” he said. “Someone who wants to be is more dangerous than someone who is because they are trying to prove something.”

    The ranks of the two gangs appear to be growing locally, in part, because of men returning from jail or prison who joined the gangs for protection behind bars. In Trinidad, some of those men are persuading neighborhood crews to affiliate with a gang, police said.

    “For survival in prison, they align themselves with these gangs, like the Bloods, the Crips, the Latin Kings. Now they are coming back to the neighborhood and bringing what they learned,” said a D.C. law enforcement source, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the investigation is continuing.

    Authorities said that about 25 percent of the 1,300 inmates in the Prince George’s jail are affiliated with gangs and that more than 60 percent of the gang members are Bloods. Last year, Maryland corrections officials started a task force to address gang activity in prison. Virginia officials have identified about 2,000 Bloods and 700 Crips in state prisons.

    Other gang members are moving from New York and Los Angeles to avoid more aggressive law enforcement, said Tony Avendorph, a Prince George’s detective who trains gang investigators across the country. Once here, they recruit members, often incorporating existing crews, and then use new members “as the fall guys” to escape arrest, Avendorph said.

    Much of the county’s intelligence comes from members who have been arrested. Police estimate there are at least 280 gangs in Prince George’s, including neighborhood crews, with 3,500 or more members. Officials said Bloods outnumber Crips, but they did not provide specific numbers. “If you approach them right, they will offer right out that they are a member of the Crips or Bloods because they are proud of it,” Lynn said.

    The Montgomery police special investigations division has counted 35 active gangs, with a total of 1,057 members, about 36 percent Hispanic and 33 percent African American, according to preliminary figures compiled in June. Officers did not specify how many members belong to each gang.

    In the District’s Trinidad neighborhood, Bloods make a point of being visible. “There’s a rec center in the neighborhood. Ride by there sometime and see how much red you see,” the D.C. law enforcement source said. “What’s scary is that there is a tot lot right next door. You’ll see little kids playing and these guys standing around in their red.”

    At a news conference Wednesday, Lanier said Bloods were operating in Trinidad, but she declined to say whether they were involved in the drug trade or were among the 77 people arrested on drug-related charges in the neighborhood since June.

    More than a year ago, the Alliance for Concerned Men, which contracts with the District to help reduce violence, began confiscating red and blue bandannas from youth calling themselves Crips or Bloods, mostly in the Shaw area of Northwest, alliance members said.

    Ronald Moten, co-founder of the Peaceoholics, said there are signs of gang activity in several places where youths are wearing red, some claiming to be Bloods. But Moten said the Bloods and Crips, which nationally have a more formal structure than most neighborhood crews, are not so entrenched that they can’t be stopped.

    “We’re trying to come up with alternatives for people who are involved so that they can get out of it,” Moten said.

    Authorities said both gangs are known for dealing drugs and carrying powerful guns but have diversified from trafficking in drugs and weapons.

    “The Crips and Bloods are also now into crimes that are not normally associated with African American street gangs, such as identify theft, Social Security fraud, credit card fraud and mortgage fraud,” Avendorph said. “They’re also into bank robbery and prostitution. They are bringing girls from California here.”

    Law enforcement officials said local crews are associating with the bigger gangs to attain power and recognition. “These are largely militaristic, bureaucratic organizations, and they get backing from the larger gang . . . so they are not out there by themselves,” said Maryland Attorney General Douglas F. Gansler (D), who launched a statewide gang task force. “There’s also a little bit of a status thing as well.”

    A former member of the Bloods in Prince George’s said his neighborhood crew affiliated with the gang about four years ago. “It meant power and numbers,” said the young man, who spoke anonymously for fear of retribution. “The more people you got, the more established you’ll be. And fewer people will try to beef with you.”

    He described a life of drug dealing, money and guns. He also said he was arrested eight times and went to jail for gun and drug crimes. His longest stint was three months. “Jail goes with the territory,” he said.

    In response to the growing gang problem, the Prince George’s police gang unit has been expanded from five to 15 members. County State’s Attorney Glenn F. Ivey (D) has recruited a former federal gang prosecutor who obtained an indictment in a case involving Mara Salvatrucha, or MS-13, under a new Maryland law that increases sentences for gang-related crimes. Gansler has offered his team of designated gang prosecutors to assist Ivey’s office.

    Meanwhile, the gangs keep staking out turf, leaving behind their blue and red graffiti, police said.

    “What they are saying is, ‘This is our territory,’ ” Lynn said. “They are marking it, much like dogs do when they go outside. They are saying, ‘We are here.’ “

    Staff writers Clarence Williams, Robert E. Pierre and Dan Morse contributed to this story.

     

     

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  • 29Aug

     

    The Stroesnner dictatorship was one of the worst among all the dictatorships in Latin America during those times.  Paraguay was a staging ground for right wing training (at the hands of the CIA) and attacks.  It was in Paraguay that they developed torture techniques that would later be used against insurgents in Iraq and Guantanamo. Paraguay played a leading role in Operation Condor, which was the first “war on terror,” as leftists were branded “terrorists” and summarily tortured, executed and/or “disappeared.”

     

     

    Paraguay’s Lugo apologizes to dictatorship victims

    http://www.pr-inside.com/paraguay-s-lugo-apologizes-to-dictatorship-victims-r778646.htm

    ASUNCION, Paraguay (AP) – President Fernando Lugo apologized Thursday on behalf of Paraguay to victims of the 1954-1989 dictatorship of the late Gen. Alfredo Stroessner.
    Speaking at the presentation of a report by the country’s Truth and Justice Commission, Lugo asked for “forgiveness from the victims” for abuses under what he called “the worst dictatorship,” which must never again return to Paraguay.

    The commission presented documents containing the names of some 300 politicians, oppositions, students and union leaders who were tortured after being arrested by Stroessner’s security forces and whose remains were never found.

    Stroessner was ousted in February 1989 by a military coup and died in exile in Brazil in 2006. He was 93 years old.

    Lugo, a left-leaning former Roman Catholic bishop, took office on Aug. 15 and ended 61 years of uninterrupted rule by the Colorado Party, which supported Stroessner’s regime.

    His government is being visited this week by Thomas Shannon, U.S. assistant secretary of state for the Western Hemisphere.

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  • 29Aug

    “The rich get richer and the poor get poorer.”  When the job market is the worst its been in 50 years and working people are struggling to make ends meet, there are a few in our society who are enjoying wealth we could only imagine of.

    The Ranks of the Ultrawealthy Grow

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    http://finance.yahoo.com/taxes/article/105638/The-Ranks-of-the-Ultrawealthy-Grow

    by Tom Herman

    One of the most exclusive clubs in the U.S. has picked up more members.

    About 47,000 people had a net worth of $20 million or more in 2004, the latest available year, according to new estimates by the Internal Revenue Service. While that was up only slightly from 46,000 in 2001, it was up 62% from 29,000 in 1998.

    The IRS also reported increases in the number of people with a net worth between $10 million and $20 million: 79,000 people qualified for this group in 2004, up from 77,000 in 2001 and 51,000 in 1998.

    California had the largest number of residents with a net worth of $1.5 million or more, with 428,000 in 2004. Florida came in second, with 199,000, followed by New York (168,000), Texas (108,000), Illinois (101,000), Pennsylvania (86,000) and Massachusetts (83,000).

    This new peek inside the nation’s upper crust comes from IRS data posted recently on the agency’s Web site (irs.gov). While nobody knows precisely how many millionaires or multimillionaires there are, the IRS figures are considered an important indicator since they’re based on federal estate-tax returns, which include extensive details on assets and debts of wealthy people who have died. IRS analysts use data on these returns to estimate the wealth of the living.

    The IRS numbers also provide additional insights into wealth in the U.S. beyond what has already been reported in several other studies. Among them was a Federal Reserve Board survey of consumer finances, which focuses on households and was published in 2006. The Fed and IRS data are helpful when read together, says James Poterba, professor of economics at Massachusetts Institute of Technology and president of the National Bureau of Economic Research, the nonprofit research organization best known for tracking the U.S. business cycle. Both sets of data “provide important information,” Mr. Poterba says. “They appear to track broadly similar trends in wealth distribution — but they provide somewhat different perspectives.”

    Separate IRS data, released earlier this year, showed the nation’s top 400 taxpayers by income reported total income of $85.6 billion on their federal income-tax returns for 2005 — an average of nearly $214 million apiece. Just to make the cutoff to be eligible for this group of 400 required income of at least $100.3 million, up from $74.5 million for 2004. Joel Slemrod, professor of economics at the Ross School of Business of the University of Michigan, dubbed this group “the Fortunate 400.”

    Some of the IRS’s new personal-wealth numbers aren’t directly comparable with those in its previous studies because analysts used different net-worth ranges at the lower end. But the top three groups — starting with a net worth of $5 million — are the same in these and several previous IRS reports by the Statistics of Income Division. Among the findings in the latest report, which isn’t adjusted for inflation:

    The total net worth of the 47,000 people in the $20 million-or-more category totaled $2.591 trillion in 2004. That was down from $2.756 trillion held by the top group in 2001 but up sharply from the approximately $1.5 trillion held by those in the top group in 1998.

    About 231,000 people had a net worth between $5 million and $10 million in 2004. That was down slightly from 243,000 in 2001.

    Of the total income for the $20 million or more group, the biggest single asset category by far was publicly traded stock ($719.28 billion). In second place was closely held stock.

    The IRS figures underscore the importance of stock and other business assets for those in the highest echelons of the super rich, says Mr. Poterba of MIT and the National Bureau of Economic Research.

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  • 28Aug

    This is a good article on Boliva that I saw on the great blog Bolivia Rising (see my blogroll).  It seems that the right wing in Bolivia is preparing for battle, what is the left doing?

    ‘Stalemate’ as Counter-Revolution in Bolivia

    http://boliviarising.blogspot.com/2008/08/stalemate-as-counter-revolution-in.html

    Jennifer N. Collins

    Despite winning more than 67 percent of the vote in a recall referendum on August 10, Bolivian president Evo Morales faces serious political challenges to his rule and to his efforts to lead a “democratic and cultural revolution.” Amid extreme antagonism between the national government and regional power brokers from the lowland departments, the referendum was a seen as a critical test of popular support for each opposing side. But the outcome strengthened both the government and the opposition prefects, preventing a decisive victory for either side and revealing a high level of political polarization.

    The referendum asked Bolivians to vote yes or no on the continuance not only of their president, but also that of eight of the country’s nine prefects (similar to elected governors). Nationwide, 67.41 percent of voters voted yes for Morales, an increase of almost 14 percentage points over his already impressive electoral victory in 2005. In almost any circumstance this would have been a decisive and remarkable win for a president more than halfway through a four-year term, and the numbers demonstrated a trend of increasing support for the president, even in parts of the country where he and his party are weakest.

    The distribution of support for Morales, however, varied significantly between the eastern and western departments: he lost the popular vote in three of the four eastern lowland departments, with his weakest showing predictably in Santa Cruz where he received just 40 percent. Somewhat surprisingly in Pando, one of the four lowland departments, he won over 52%. By contrast, in the five more populous western provinces, where the government has its strongest bases of support, the percentages in favor of Morales were astounding, ranging from the low of 53% in Chuquisaca to 70% in Cochabamba, and to between 83 and 84% in La Paz, Oruro, and Potosí. Thus, the overall national trend of increased support for the president also showed stark regional variation.

    The prefects from the four eastern, lowland departments—Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando and Tarija—who have been spearheading the opposition to Morales, were also ratified in their respective departments by impressive margins ranging from 56 to 66 percent. These figures represent increases of 8 to 19 points from the vote percentages they won when they were elected in 2005. Since much of their public profile and actions have been focused on confrontation with the central government it appears that the prefects’ tactics and their strategy of demanding greater political autonomy have paid off politically. Morales’ political party, the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS), had hoped that one or two opposition prefects would be voted out of office, but that result failed to materialize.

    The regional opposition has not acted as a “loyal opposition”—that is, one that plays by the rules of the game—rather, it has openly encouraged and supported acts of insubordination against Morales and his administration. Just days before the referendum, groups opposing the president illegally occupied a regional airport and prevented the Argentine and Venezuelan presidents, as well as Morales, from landing for a political summit and the inauguration of a joint investment project that would have benefitted the department as well as regional integration, declaring that Morales and those allied with him were not welcome in Tarija.

    Morales’s presidency is viewed by many of his supporters as an opportunity to decolonize the country and redistribute wealth. Bolivia’s majority indigenous population has historically been marginalized from the spheres of power and relegated to extreme levels of poverty in one of the most unequal countries in the region. But plans for agrarian reform, attempts to change the country’s economic model, and, not least, leadership of the government by someone from the indigenous-based social movements are all viewed as threatening to many of Bolivia’s privileged.

    Lacking an alternative national political project to that of the MAS, the prefects have used the wedge issue of regional autonomy and adeptly taken advantage of several political blunders committed by the MAS to assiduously fan the flames of regionalism. They have skillfully portrayed Morales and the MAS as the embodiment of the resented centralism that has historically characterized Bolivian politics and political administration.

    Having lost access to political power at the national level, elites in the lowland provinces are demanding increases in departmental budgets (funding for regional governments come from the central government) and a model of regional autonomy that would increase their control of land use and natural resource extraction, as well as limit the reach of the national government. If successful, these proposals would dramatically weaken the Morales government’s ability to carry out its political agenda.

    The incompatibility of the national and regional agendas and the pattern over these last couple of years of political intransigence, outright hostility, and even the use of violence and intimidation, bodes ill for a process of national dialogue and compromise. While Morales and four of the five opposition prefects (the exception was Rubén Costas, the hard-line prefect of Santa Cruz) all acknowledged the need for dialogue immediately after the referendum, events since then indicate that confrontation is likely to continue and even intensify.

    In a brief address the night of the referendum Morales expressed his determination to deepen the reforms and transformations that his government has been attempting to carry out, but he also expressed a commitment to dialogue and compromise for the sake of national unity. Extending an olive branch to the opposition, he suggested that what was needed was to find a way to merge the new draft constitution passed by the MAS-dominated Constituent Assembly with the Autonomy Statutes drawn up by the opposition forces in the lowland departments; the opposition has been adamant in their rejection of the new draft constitution.

    Following up on this promise, Morales summoned the prefects to La Paz to begin the negotiation process, but after meeting for less than two days on August 13 and 14 the talks broke down with each side accusing the other of being unwilling to compromise. In the wake of these failed negotiations, both the government and the opposition have staked out even more strident positions that put the prospect of dialogue and consensus even further out of reach.

    On August 23, the MAS and its supporters decided in a national meeting that the president should move forward on ratifying the new constitution by convening another national referendum, which would also place the question of funding for the prefectural administrations to the citizens, thereby indicating that Morales’ previous suggestion of trying to merge the draft constitution and the autonomy statutes through process of national dialogue has now been discarded. In recent statements vice president Álvaro García Linera signaled the government’s view that it now has a strong mandate to move its political project forward: “There is but one single [political] project in Bolivia,” and “one way or the other, there must be a Political Constitution that guarantees and secures the advances [made by the government].”

    Civic opposition groups in Santa Cruz, Tarija, and Chuquisaca responded by declaring themselves “on a war footing” (en pie de Guerra) against any attempt to approve the constitutional text and that no such referendum would take place in any of the five departments. Not only this, but in flagrant violation of the existing constitution, Rubén Costas, prefect of Santa Cruz, is moving forward with plans to organize a departmental electoral court and police force that would report to the prefectural government as opposed to the corresponding national institutions.

    It was recently reported that in Santa Cruz a group of thugs associated with Costas and the “civic” opposition groups violently attacked the regional chief of police, who is hospitalized and has since resigned. Costas has since declared that no one will be reassigned to this post without his express permission. This recent incident indicates the willingness of the right to use violence and intimidation to advance their agenda and exposes the weakness of the state’s ability to enforce the law. Similar violent incidents in the past have gone unpunished.

    At the present moment, the national government and regional opposition groups appear to be moving inexorably towards further confrontation as they each attempt to implement their political agendas on the ground even if that means sidestepping laws and the constitutional framework—and in the case of the right resorting to the politics of violence and intimidation. The MAS now has an even stronger popular mandate than before to move for the approval of the new constitution, which as García Linera indicated is essential to institutionalizing the changes that have already been made and advancing others.

    However, even if they succeed in getting the constitution approved in a referendum, the opposition forces will still have the ability to sabotage government initiatives because of the weakness of the Bolivian state and its institutions. Morales’ political project cannot be successfully accomplished if the country is divided and the central government is weak. The referendum “victory” has not provided a solution to Bolivia’s political crisis, and the current stalemate between Evo and the regional opposition illustrates yet again how difficult social change and redistribution are to achieve. Even with a solid majority mandate and in a context of democracy, the road to revolutionary change is wrought with obstacles.

    Jennifer N. Collins is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin-Stevens Point and has just returned from a month and a half of research in Bolivia.

    Repuglished from NACLA

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  • 28Aug

    Much respect to Bo Taylor, recently deceased, who was instrumental in the peace process after the Rodney King uprising. 

    ‘Bo’ Taylor, peace broker among urban gangs

    http://www.mercurynews.com/localnewsheadlines/ci_10199202

    LOS ANGELES (AP) – Darren “Bo” Taylor, an activist who brokered a truce between warring inner-city gangs after the 1992 Los Angeles riots, has died. He was 42.

    Mr. Taylor died of cancer Monday in San Diego, his sister, Adrienne Galloway, said Wednesday.

    Mr. Taylor was a member of the Crips street gang as a teenager. He joined the Navy and was honorably discharged before returning to gangs. He said he finally turned away from the thug life after being repeatedly shot at while dealing drugs.

    He became a gang peace activist, respected by gangsters for his street credibility and by officials for his success.

    He founded UNITY One after the 1992 riots. The group worked to prevent gang violence through intervention and education. One program involved teaching life management skills to thousands of county jail inmates.

    Five years ago, Mr. Taylor worked with gang leaders to help quell a series of violent jail brawls between black and Hispanic inmates.

    “Bo knew how to change lives for the better. He did it very well,” Sheriff Lee Baca said Tuesday.

    Mr. Taylor considered gang members to be disenfranchised youth, he told National Public Radio last year.

    “They don’t really have all the tools to make the right decisions that’s necessary in today’s society, and they don’t fully understand the system,” he said.

    Civil rights attorney Connie Rice said Mr. Taylor was extraordinary.

    “You don’t find many in the gang-intervention world who can be effective in the street, effective in the courtroom, effective at City Hall and effective in the prisons,” Rice said. “He could calm everyone down and make us work together.”

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  • 28Aug

    Damn, even the WHO is saying we need universal healthcare?!  It must be getting reeeal bad!  This was one of the first issues that brought me closer to socialist thinking, after all “universial healthcare” should be called “socialist healthcare.” 

    WHO study backs universal health care

    http://www.reuters.com/article/topNews/idUSLS48634320080828?feedType=RSS&feedName=topNews

    GENEVA (Reuters) – Major inequalities in health and life expectancy persist worldwide, according to an independent World Health Organization commission which on Thursday called for all countries to offer universal health care.

     

    Huge discrepancies also exist within countries, including Scotland where a boy born in the poor Glasgow suburb of Calton can expect to live to 54, 28 years less than one born in affluent Lenzie, just across town, it said.

     

    “The health inequities we see in the world are absolutely dramatic in their scale,” Michael Marmot, a WHO health researcher, who chaired the commission, told reporters.

     

    “Between countries we have life expectancy differences of more than 40 years. A woman in Botswana can expect to live 43 years, in Japan 86 years.”

     

    The Commission on Social Determinants of Health, composed of 19 independent experts, handed over its three-year study to the World Health Organization, a United Nations agency.

     

    “Social injustice is killing people on a grand scale,” it declared.

     

    Marmot, head of the epidemiology and public health department at University College London, said the report recommended universal health care systems should be available to people regardless of their ability to pay.

    “Virtually all advanced countries have universal health care systems but we don’t think that should be limited to high-income countries,” he added.

    INABILITY TO PAY

     

    The sustainability of health care systems is a concern for all countries, amid growing “commercialization” of services, according to the commission. It favored financing health care through general taxation and/or mandatory universal insurance.

     

    Each year, more than 100 million people worldwide are pushed into poverty due to catastrophic health care costs, it said.

     

    “We are distressed by the reports of health care simply being unavailable to people because of inability to pay. We see that throughout low- and middle-income countries,” Marmot said.

     

    Health care is also a key issue in the U.S. presidential campaign, with both Democrat Barack Obama and Republican John McCain proposing to fix what they call a broken system.

     

    Some 15.3 percent of Americans had no public or private health insurance in 2007, down from 15.8 percent in 2006, according to the latest U.S. figures released on Monday. A total of 45.7 million people were uninsured, down from 47 million.

     

    In the United States, minorities are more likely to be diagnosed with late-stage breast cancer and colorectal cancer than whites, the report said. In Indonesia, maternal mortality is three to four times higher among the poor than the rich.

     

    Margaret Chan, WHO director-general, said WHO’s Executive Board would examine the report at its January meeting and submit proposals to the annual meeting of its 193 member states in May.

     

    “The importance of prevention continues to grow, partly because of escalating health care costs. We simply cannot afford the way we go about doing health care nowadays without tackling and doing more prevention,” she said.

    Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, former U.S. Surgeon General David Satcher, former Chilean president Ricardo Lagos Escobar and former Mozambique health minister Pascoal Mocumbi served on the commission.

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  • 28Aug

    When society is playing the blame game about violence in the ‘ghetto’ it should take note of how weapons end up in these areas. This is the same as drugs as well. Dead Prez said in one of their songs, “We don’t own no boats and planes.” We don’t own gun factories either.

    So how do these guns get in our neighborhoods? Well I saw it happen many times. And although I had heard about weapons purchases from “down south” and things like that, the only time I witnessed guns coming into the ‘hood’ was when drug addicts from the suburbs traded stolen weapons for drugs. The following article is a classic example of that, ripped straight from the headlines. While the addict who stole and traded the weapon will get a small amount of time and maybe only rehab, the “vicious criminal” caught with the weapon will be demonized, bail will be set incredibly high and they will lose their freedom for a year or two at least.

    Accused In Handgun Theft

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    http://www.courant.com/news/local/ec/hc-digbrf0828.art12aug28,0,3827624.story

    VERNON — – A second Stafford woman has been charged with stealing a handgun from a Stafford home and trading it to drug dealers in Hartford for heroin.

    Erica L. Granger, 24, of 6 Fiske Ave., was arrested about 5 p.m. Tuesday after a car in which she was riding was pulled over.

    At her arraignment Wednesday in Superior Court in Rockville, Granger told a court official that she had been free of drugs for “some time,” then a moment later admitted to using heroin on Tuesday.

    She and a friend, Christina L. Cooley, 27, of 62 Wales Road, Stafford, are charged in connection with the theft of handguns from Cooley’s then boyfriend. Cooley allegedly twice traded stolen handguns for heroin in January and February. Granger faces one charge of theft of a firearm.

    Judge Patricia Swords set Cooley’s bail at $25,000 and ordered her back to court Sept. 10. Cooley, who was arraigned Tuesday, is in custody on $20,000 bail.

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  • 27Aug

    Sexism that runs in our society is also in effect in our military:

    U.S. Military Keeping Secrets About Female Soldiers’ ‘Suicides’?

    http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/20080826_us_military_keeping_secrets_about_female_soldiers_suicides/?ln

    By Col. Ann Wright

    Since I posted on April 28 the article “Is There an Army Cover Up of the Rape and Murder of Women Soldiers,” the deaths of two more U.S. Army women in Iraq and Afghanistan have been listed as suicides—the Sept. 28, 2007, death of 30-year-old Spc. Ciara Durkin and the Feb. 22, 2008, death of 25-year-old Spc. Keisha Morgan. Both “suicides” are disputed by the families of the women.

    Since April 2008, five more U.S. military women have died in Iraq—three in noncombat-related incidents. Ninety-nine U.S., six British and one Ukrainian military women and 13 U.S. female civilians have been killed in Iraq, Kuwait and Bahrain, as well as probably hundreds of thousands of Iraqi women and girls. Of the 99 U.S. military women, 64 were in the Army active component, nine in the Army National Guard, seven in the Army Reserve, seven in the Marine Corps, nine in the Navy and three in the Air Force. According to the Department of Defense, 41 of the 99 U.S. military women who have been killed in Iraq died in “noncombat-related incidents.” Of the 99 U.S. military women killed in the Iraq theater, 41 were women of color (21 African-Americans, 16 Latinas, three of Asian-Pacific descent and one Native American—data compiled from the Web site www.nooniefortin.com).

    Fourteen U.S. military women, including five in the Army, one in the Army National Guard, two in the Army Reserves, three in the Air Force, two in the Navy (on ships supporting U.S. forces in Afghanistan) and one in the Marine Corps, one British military woman and six U.S. civilian women have been killed in Afghanistan. According to the Department of Defense, four U.S. military women in Afghanistan died in noncombat-related incidents, including one now classified as a suicide. Four military women of color (three African-Americans and one Latina) have been killed in Afghanistan. (Data compiled from www.nooniefortin.com.)

    The deaths of 14 U.S. military (13 Army and one Navy) women and one British military woman who served in Iraq, Kuwait or Afghanistan have been classified as suicides.

    Two Army women in Iraq (Pfc. Hannah Gunterman McKinney, a victim of vehicular homicide, and Pfc. Kamisha Block, who was shot five times by a fellow soldier who then killed himself) and two Navy women in Bahrain (MASN Anamarie Camacho and MASN Genesia Gresham, both shot by a male sailor who then shot, but did not kill, himself) have died at the hands of fellow military personnel.

    Several more military women have died with unexplained “noncombat” gunshot wounds (U.S. Army Sgt. Melissa Valles, July 9, 2003: gunshot to the abdomen; Marine Lance Cpl. Juana Arellano, April 8, 2006: gunshot wound to the head while in a “defensive position”). Most of the deaths of women who have died of noncombat gunshot wounds have been classified as suicides, rather than homicides.

    The Army, the only military service to release annual figures on suicides, reported that 115 soldiers committed suicide in 2007. According to Army figures, 32 soldiers committed suicide in Iraq and four in Afghanistan. Of the 115 Army suicides, 93 were in the Regular Army and 22 were in the Army National Guard or Reserves. The report lists five Army women as having committed suicide in 2007. Young, white, unmarried junior enlisted troops were the most likely to commit suicide, according to the report (Pauline Jelinek, “Soldier suicides hit highest rate, 115 last year,” Associated Press, May 29, 2008, abcnews.go.com/Politics/wireStory?id=4955043).

    From 2003 until August 2008, the deaths of 13 Army women and one Navy woman in Iraq and Afghanistan (including Kuwait and Bahrain) have been classified as suicides (numbers confirmed with various media sources):

    2008—Spc. Keisha Morgan (Taji, Iraq)
    2007—Spc. Ciara Durkin (Bagram, Afghanistan), Capt. (medical doctor) Roselle Hoffmaster (Kirkik, Iraq)
    2006—Pfc. Tina Priest (Taji, Iraq), Pfc. Amy Duerkson (Taji, Iraq), Sgt. Denise Lannaman (Kuwait), Sgt. Jeannette Dunn (Taji, Iraq), Maj. Gloria Davis (Baghdad).
    2005—Pvt. Lavena Johnson (Balad, Iraq), 1st Lt.  Debra Banaszak (Kuwait), USN MA1 Jennifer Valdivia (Bahrain)
    2004—Sgt. Gina Sparks (it is unclear where in Iraq she was injured, but she died in the Fort Polk, La., hospital)
    2003—Spc. Alyssa Peterson (Tal Afar, Iraq), Sgt. Melissa Valles (Balad, Iraq)

    The demographics of those Army women who allegedly committed suicide are as intriguing as the circumstances of their deaths: 
    – Seven of the women, being between the ages of 30 and 47, were older than the norm (Davis, 47; Lannaman, 46; Dunn, 44; Banaszak, 35; Hoffmaster, 32; Sparks, 32; and Durkin, 30).  (Most military suicides are in their 20s).
    – Three were officers:  a major (Davis), a captain and medical doctor (Hoffmaster) and a first lieutenant (Banaszak).
    – Five were noncommissioned officers (Lannaman, Dunn, Sparks, Valles and Valdivia).
    – Five were women of color (Morgan, Davis, Johnson, Lannaman, Valles).
    – Four were from units based at Fort Hood, Texas, and were found dead at Camp Taji, Iraq (Dunn, Priest, Duerkson, and Morgan).
    – Two were found dead at Camp Taji, Iraq, 11 days apart (Priest and Duerkson).
    – Two were found dead at Balad, Iraq (Johnson and Valles).
    – Two had been raped (Priest, 11 days prior to her death; Duerksen, during basic training).
    – One other was probably raped (Johnson, the night she died).
    – Two were lesbians (Lannaman and Durkin).
    – Two of the women were allegedly involved in bribes or shakedowns of contractors (Lannaman and Davis).
    – Two had children (Davis and Banaszak).
    – Three had expressed concerns about improprieties or irregularities in their commands (Durkin’s concerns were financial; Davis had given a seven-page deposition on contracting irregularities in Iraq the day before she died; Peterson was concerned about methods of interrogation of Iraqi prisoners).
    – Several had been in touch with their families within days of their deaths and had not expressed feelings of depression (Morgan, Durkin, Davis, Priest, Johnson).

    The Death of Lavena Johnson

    As discussed in my article “Is There an Army Cover Up of Rape and Murder of Women Soldiers?,” 19-year-old Army Pvt. Lavena Johnson was found dead on the military base in Balad, Iraq, in July 2005, and her death was characterized by the Army as suicide from an M-16 rifle gunshot. From the day their daughter’s body was returned to them, the parents, both of whom have had a long association with the Army—the father, a medical doctor, is an Army veteran and worked 25 years as a Department of the Army civilian and the mother, too, worked for the Department of the Army—harbored grave suspicions about the Army’s investigation into Johnson’s death and the Army’s characterization of her death as suicide. As she had been in charge of a communications facility, Johnson was able to call home daily; in those calls, she gave no indication of emotional problems or being upset. In a letter to her parents after her death, Johnson’s commanding officer, Capt. David Woods, wrote, “Lavena was clearly happy and seemed in very good health both physically and emotionally.”
    In viewing his daughter’s body at the funeral home, Dr. John Johnson was concerned about the bruising on her face. He was puzzled by the discrepancy in the autopsy report on the location of the gunshot wound.  As an Army veteran and a long-time Army civilian employee who had counseled veterans, he was mystified how the exit wound of an M-16 shot could be so small. The hole in Lavena’s head appeared to be more the size of a pistol shot rather than an M-16 round. But the gluing of military uniform white gloves onto Lavena’s hands, hiding burns on one of her hands, is what deepened Dr. Johnson’s concerns that the Army’s investigation into the death of his daughter was flawed.

    Over the next two and a half years, Dr. and Mrs. Johnson and their family and friends, through the Freedom of Information Act and congressional offices, relentlessly and meticulously requested documents concerning Lavena’s death from the Department of the Army. Gradually, with the Army’s response to each request for information, another piece of evidence about Johnson’s death emerged.

    The military criminal investigator’s initial drawing of the death scene revealed that Johnson’s M16 was found perfectly parallel to her body. The investigator’s sketch showed that her body was found inside a burning tent, under a wooden bench with an aerosol can nearby. A witness, an employee of the defense contractor Kellogg, Brown & Root (KBR), stated that he heard a gunshot and when he went to investigate, he found a KBR tent on fire. When he looked into the tent, he saw a body. The official Army investigation did not mention a fire, nor that Johnson’s body had been pulled from the fire.

    KBR Women Employees Raped in Iraq

    The fact that Lavena Johnson’s body was discovered in a KBR tent raises questions. 

    Many KBR women employees have been raped in Iraq. One law firm in Houston has 15 clients with sexual assault, sexual harassment or retaliation complaints against Halliburton and its former subsidiary Kellogg, Brown & Root LLC (KBR), as well as against the Cayman Island-based Service Employees International Inc., a KBR shell company (Karen Houppert, “Another KBR Rape Case,” The Nation, April 3, 2008).

    Two female employees of KBR who were raped while in Iraq have testified before Congress. On her fourth day in Iraq, July 28, 2005, Jamie Leigh Jones was gang-raped by seven fellow KBR employees at Camp Hope in Baghdad. Jones’ rape occurred nine days after Lavena Johnson was found dead in a KBR tent at Balad Air Base. Jones was drugged, raped and beaten, and the injuries she suffered were so severe that she had to have reconstructive surgery on her chest (“Democracy Now,” April 18, 2008, “Two Ex-KBR Employees Say They Were Raped by Co-Workers in Iraq,” www.democracynow.org/2008/4/8/exclusivein_their_first_joint_interview_two).

    Jones reportedly was taken back to the KBR area, where she was placed into an empty shipping container under KBR armed guard for almost 24 hours without food or water or the ability to communicate with anyone. The military doctor who examined her turned over the “rape kit” photographs and statement to KBR. Jones persuaded a guard to allow her a phone call, which she made to her father. Her father promptly called their Texas congressional representative, Ted Poe, who then called the State Department in Iraq and demanded her immediate release. Jones was rescued shortly thereafter and quickly left Iraq. Congressman Poe again contacted the State Department and the Department of Justice in an effort to launch an investigation, but both departments ignored the requests and even refused to contact Poe for the next two years. The “rape kit” and the photographs of and statement from Jones taken by a military doctor disappeared (ABC News, “KBR Employees: Company Covered Up Sexual Assault and Harassment,” abcnews.go.com/Blotter/popup?id=3948132&contentIndex=1&start=false&page=1).

    Jones testified Dec. 17, 2007, before the House Judiciary Committee on “Enforcement of Federal Criminal Law to Protect Americans Working for U.S. Contractors in Iraq” (judiciary.house.gov/hearings/hear_121907.html).

    The nonprofit foundation Jones created after her ordeal, the Jamie Leigh Jones Foundation, has been contacted by 40 U.S. contractor employees alleging that they are the victims of sexual assault or sexual harassment on the job and that Halliburton, KBR and Service Employees International Inc. have not helped them or have obstructed their claims (Karen Houppert, “Another KBR Rape Case,” The Nation, April 3, 2008). 

    Dawn Leamon was another civilian contractor employed by KBR who was raped allegedly by KBR employees. She was the sole medical provider at Camp Harper, a base near Basra in southern Iraq. Leamon reported being raped anally by a U.S. soldier in January 2008 while a KBR employee forced his penis into her mouth. She says she was told to keep quiet by her KBR supervisor and by the military liaison officer. Her laptop computer was seized within hours after she e-mailed a civilian lawyer. She testified on April 9, 2008, before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the hearing “Closing Legal Loopholes: Prosecuting Sexual Assaults and Other Violent Crimes Committed Overseas by American Civilians in a Combat Environment” (foreign.senate.gov/hearings/2008/hrg080409a.html).

    [clip, see link at top for full article]

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  • 27Aug

    This article highlights the lie that somehow we all have equal chances to make it in this society.  Depending on how well your parents are educated, how much money your parents make and what race you are you have different chances at scoring well on the SAT and getting into those great colleges.  True equality is what we must strive for, and one of the most important areas to pursue with regard to equality is educational equality.  Cuba has made much larger strides towards an equal educational system than America has.

    Great quote from article:

    “McQuillan also said he was troubled by enduring gaps in performance between white and minority students.”

    Students in Brooklyn wait to pass through a metal detector.

    SAT Scores Show That Income, Study Of Arts, Language Give Edge

    http://www.courant.com/news/education/hc-ctsat0827.artaug27,0,5481068.story

    Some of the best SAT scores in Connecticut are posted by students who study Chinese or Latin, participate in the arts, take honors courses, come from wealthy families, and — at least when it comes to math — hold citizenship from another country, according to scores for the class of 2008 released Tuesday.

    The data, released by the College Board, which produces the college-entrance exam, detailed the performance of 1.5 million students nationwide who graduated from high school this year, including 36,085 in Connecticut.

    As a whole, Connecticut students scored slightly above the national average in reading, slightly below it in math, and well above it in writing. But gaps by race and income persisted, troubling education officials.

    The average scores for state public school students rose three points in math, one point in reading and three points in writing over last year.
    Seventy-six percent of public school students in Connecticut took the test, the third-highest of any state and well above the national average for public school students, 39 percent. That may be in part because of regional differences, according to the state Department of Education, which noted that the ACT college entrance exam is more popular in the Midwest.

    In a written statement, state Education Commissioner Mark K. McQuillan said he was pleased by the strong scores and high participation rate, which he said indicated a large number of students who aspire to attend college. But McQuillan also said he was troubled by enduring gaps in performance between white and minority students.

    “We need to find better ways to prepare our black and Hispanic students for college and new ways to engage them in learning,” McQuillan said. “This begins with guaranteed access to the PSAT, better preparatory courses for the SAT and a new look at how high schools are structured to meet the needs of all students.”

    State education officials are working on proposals to reshape the state’s high schools by increasing the number of credits and specific courses required for graduation and emphasizing more personalized classrooms to engage students.

    Connecticut students — in public and private schools — averaged 509 on reading, 513 on math, and 513 on writing on the exam, which has a maximum score of 800 in each category. The national average, by contrast, was 502 on reading, 515 on math, and 494 on writing. The state’s strong writing performance may reflect Connecticut long history of including writing on its standardized tests, something that many other states have not done until recently.Scores in Connecticut correlated strongly with family income and parents’ education levels, as well as other measures including involvement in the arts and foreign language study.

    SAT scores have long been correlated along racial lines, reflecting gaps that also appear in Connecticut’s own standardized tests. Critics have pointed to disparities in scores among minority and low-income students in questioning the SAT’s validity.

    With the exception of Asian students, minority students in Connecticut’s class of 2008 trailed their white counterparts. White students scored, on average, 529 in reading, 533 in math, and 533 in writing, and Asian students scored 523 in reading, 586 in math, and 536 in writing.

    Black students averaged 419 in reading, 407 in math, and 420 in writing. Puerto Rican, Mexican and other Hispanic students also posted lower scores than white or Asian students, averaging below 500 in each category.

    The wealthiest students, whose families earned more than $200,000, had an average score more than 140 points higher in each section than the poorest test takers, whose family income was less than $20,000.

    The income gap was visible even between students whose families fell into the second-highest income bracket — $160,000 to $200,000 — and those whose families earned more than $200,000; on average, the higher-income students scored more than 25 points higher in each category.

    However, that represented a limited sample of the students; only 56 percent of the test-takers provided information about their family income.

    U.S. citizens outperformed students who are citizens of other countries in reading and writing, but not in math; the average score for an American student was 509, while students who are citizens of other countries averaged 545.

    Students who participated in acting, music, studio art or photography scored well above students who weren’t involved in the arts. And students who took more than four years of foreign language posted higher average scores on all sections than those with fewer years. Those who took Chinese and Latin, in particular, posted the highest average scores among students taking languages.

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  • 27Aug

    In the brutal civil war that has raged in Colombia for over 40 years, the right wing is guilty of crimes against humanity.  The death squads massacred entire villages and regularly killed non-violent activists of all stripes (e.g. NGO, union, etc).  In the tradition of the Paraguayan, Argentinian, and Chilean militaries of the 70s we see that the Colombian forces also “disappeared” their victims quite often.  It should be noted that anything done by these right-wing forces was at the behest of America.  And we should also note that this violence continues to this day!  Even the day of action (advertised below) against the right wing disappearences led to about 10 organizers being killed at the hands of the right wing Aguiles Negras militia.  It is very dangerous to be involved in almost any political activity in Colombia, but especially political activity associated with the left (union organizing, etc).

    Unearthing Secrets of Colombia’s Long War

    http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/08/26/AR2008082603154.html?nav=rss_email/components

    ANORI, Colombia — A team of forensic anthropologists painstakingly dug up the bodies — two from the town’s decaying mausoleum, others from the moist earth in the cemetery, a couple from a field nearby. The preferred method of death: a single gunshot to the head. One young man had been beheaded, his skull now nowhere to be found.

    Victims of Colombia’s slow-burning but brutal civil war, they had been killed by right-wing death squads and left on roadsides and in ditches around this northern town. Their impoverished relatives, too fearful to report the slayings, hastily buried the bodies and never told authorities.

    The scene had been repeated across Colombia for a generation, as illegal paramilitary gunmen, often working closely with army units, killed thousands of people in their war against leftist insurgencies and, in most cases, disposed of them in shallow, unmarked graves. With Colombia’s economy booming and its government feted from Washington to Paris for its recent success against Marxist guerrillas, the disappearances of mostly peasant farmers, in a campaign that intensified in the 1990s, have been largely overlooked.

    But government teams have been digging up the bodies and opening a window onto the calculated savagery that long marked this conflict. The remains of more than 1,500 people have been recovered, with DNA testing used to identify 400 of them.

    Attorney General Mario Iguarán, whose office oversees the exhumations, said in an interview that authorities think more than 10,000 bodies might still be scattered across the country.

    That number is three times as high as estimates made by human rights groups in 2005 after a forensics team unearthed dozens of bodies at El Palmar, a farm in San Onofre, northeastern Colombia, that paramilitary forces had used as a base. The discovery made it clear that a cornerstone of the paramilitary groups’ policy had been to wipe away any trace of their crimes.

    “They considered it important, and told their units, not to leave evidence of the people they had assassinated,” said Wilton Hernández, the investigator who oversaw the exhumations in Anori. “Most of those who were disappeared are in graves or thrown in the river, especially the Cauca or Magdalena rivers, and it will never be possible, even with enormous effort, to find them.”

    Such vanishings are more closely associated with Central America or Argentina, where stridently anti-communist security forces tried to wash their hands clean of crimes by simply “disappearing” their adversaries in the 1970s and ’80s.

    In Colombia, a loosely organized coalition of paramilitary groups was better known for selectively assassinating adversaries or carrying out massacres of villagers before its militias completed a three-year disarmament in 2006.

    But with people streaming into the offices of prosecutors to report disappearances, and exhumation teams at work in several states, it is becoming clear that the number of disappeared here has eclipsed the tallies in El Salvador, Chile and other countries where the practice was widespread. And if estimates by some investigators turn out to be correct, Colombia will soon count more disappeared victims than Argentina or Peru.

    Ever Veloza, a top paramilitary commander being held in the Itagui prison outside Medellin, said in a recent jailhouse interview that army officers who collaborated with paramilitary units encouraged them to bury the dead or toss their bodies into the river. The victims included trade union members and leftist activists, he said, as well as peasants caught between warring sides.

    “We would kill people and leave them in the street, and the security forces told us to disappear them in order to control the homicide rate,” said Veloza, who is testifying in special judicial hearings designed to bring justice to thousands of victims.

    Veloza said he did not flinch when it came to hiding the bodies. “We cut people’s heads off, we dismembered,” he said. “We had to spread terror.”

    Here in Anori, the exhumation team’s arrival in July aboard two Vietnam-era Huey helicopters was an occasion for celebration — a gaggle of rambunctious children met the seven-man team, which disembarked with shovels, plastic bags, hammers, chisels, measuring tape and cameras. Townspeople may never have reported who had been killed, but they knew where the bodies were buried — and promptly told Hernández, the lead investigator.

    The first set of remains, belonging to Alonso de Jesús Echavarría, 19, was pulled from a crypt where frightened relatives had placed the body after picking it up on a lonely country lane.

    Two members of the exhumation team placed the remains on a white plastic bag — connecting the femur to the tibia, the 26 bones of his hand, his 12 pairs of ribs.

    “It was easy to put him together,” said Saul Diaz, a forensic anthropologist who says he has dug up 2,300 bodies in a 14-year career, here and in Kosovo.

    “The strange thing was that we did not find the skull,” Diaz said during a break from the digging. “But we talked to the family, and they told us the body had been mutilated.”

    Echavarría’s father, Orlando Jesús Echavarría, listened in silence as Diaz spoke, and then he recounted how he had discovered the body but never alerted authorities.

    “You could not say anything, nothing,” he said. “You were terrified. You were very afraid.”

    The skeleton of another victim, Francisco Luis Muñoz, was then dug up. Helmut Bermúdez, a member of the exhumation team, grabbed the skull and bounced it lightly on one hand as he examined a tiny bullet hole while brushing off dirt.

    “Only a medical examiner can say if it was the cause of death,” Bermúdez said. “But we can determine it was a bullet wound, and that there’s an entry wound and an exit wound.”

    Muñoz’s mother, Lidia Rosa Carmona, watched without expression as the bones were neatly laid out, a yellow plastic placard marked No. 2 placed next to the skull. She said she knew nothing about why her son had died.

    “What happened is they killed him,” she said. “It is that simple. They killed with one shot, and that was that.”

    The exhumations here provide a snapshot of what is happening across Colombia as prosecutors and detectives take on the daunting task of investigating thousands of crimes, from killings to land seizures.

    Patricia Hernández, a prosecutor in Medellin, heads a special team attempting to untangle the crimes of Ramiro “Cuco” Vanoy, an illiterate rancher who built a 3,000-man fighting force that was among the most feared in the paramilitary structure.

    That means sending investigators, prosecutors and anthropologists into isolated corners of Antioquia state to interview witnesses and the relatives of those who disappeared.

    “We have many complaints of disappeared people, and we are always getting more,” Hernández said, adding that people who take long mule trips into towns to talk to her investigators expect results. “We can’t just tell them, ‘Ride for 14 hours and file a complaint,’ ” she said.

    Increasingly, peasant farmers who until recently thought they had no recourse say they are hopeful that justice will be delivered. That was how Ruth Barragán, 33, said she felt as she watched the exhumation team dig up bodies.

    “It is what we people want,” she said.

    But after two days of digging, the team was unable to find the body of Baltazar Barragán, her father, who was killed in 2001. This region is isolated — and dangerous, with security provided by heavily armed policemen — and before long a military helicopter had arrived to ferry the investigators out.

    “Evidence is lost, undoubtedly, because of the lack of time and circumstances,” said Diaz, the forensic anthropologist. “Many bodies will never be recovered.”

     

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