• 15Jan

    5 our of 11 of the people shot between ‘03-’05 were unarmed, so its no surprise the Justice Department has found flaws in the way things are handled in Inglewood!  The Justice Department is now proposing reforms that are intended to minimize police brutality and police shootings.  But although we support these efforts, we at Malcolm-Che do not have a reformist perspective; that is to say that we do not see a package of reforms leading us ultimately to a society that will not contain many egregious police brutality cases.  That is because capitalism itself, the system in American society, is a system where there are those who have and those who have not.  The interests between these classes are irreconcilable, and any force aimed at mediating the tensions between these classes is doomed to failure in their job.

    This article is a must read!!!

    Justice Department seeks police reform in Inglewood

    Protest In Inglewood, CA.  5 out of 11 people shot by Inglewood PD have been unarmed.

    Protest In Inglewood, CA. 5 out of 11 people shot by Inglewood PD have been unarmed.

    http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-inglewood11-2010jan11,0,4430016.story?track=rss

    The U.S. Department of Justice has found significant flaws in the way Inglewood police oversee use-of-force incidents and investigate complaints against officers and has proposed a host of reforms to help ease fear and distrust among city residents.

    As part of a comprehensive review of the department, which is ongoing, Justice Department officials found that Inglewood’s policies on the use of force are poorly written and legally inadequate despite recent reform efforts. In a letter sent to the city’s mayor in December, federal officials called for numerous changes in the way the department trains and investigates its officers.

    The Justice Department launched its civil rights probe after a series of officer-involved shootings in 2008 sparked outrage in the city and prompted calls for reform. Federal officials told the city they are continuing with their probe and plan close scrutiny of specific incidents.

    A Times investigation, published more than two months before the federal inquiry began, found that Inglewood officers repeatedly resorted to physical or deadly force against unarmed suspects. The Times also raised questions about how the department investigated its officers’ use of force.

    In the 33-page letter to the city’s mayor, the Justice Department acknowledged that the department had begun revising its policies but said some of those proposed reforms didn’t go far enough.

    Among the Justice Department’s conclusions:

    * Inglewood police routinely assigned certain types of excessive force investigations to supervisors who either wrote the initial incident report or approved it, creating “an apparent conflict of interest.”

    * The agency’s rules on using deadly force are vague and inconsistent with U.S. Supreme Court guidelines. “The majority of the [department's] policies and procedures are outdated,” federal officials said.

    * The department provides its officers with “little direction” on when to use electric Taser weapons. The city should prohibit officers from using Tasers on suspects who are restrained.

    * The Police Department should create an early warning system to better track excessive force complaints and other conduct. Such a system would help alert supervisors to problem officers.

    Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Los Angeles), who was among several politicians who called for an outside investigation in the wake of the shootings, said after reviewing the Justice Department’s letter that some of Inglewood’s policies were “unacceptable.” Waters said she would urge the Police Department to “quickly comply” with the recommendations and would inquire into a possible federal consent decree to oversee the department.

    “The number of deaths at the hands of police officers has been alarming,” she said. “These deaths are the result of the failed policy.”

    Geoffrey Alpert, an expert on use of deadly force by police, said the Justice Department’s findings suggest that Inglewood’s problems were systemic rather than a question of individual officers making poor decisions.

    “If the rules are wrong, it opens officers up to doing the wrong thing,” said Alpert, a professor at the University of South Carolina who has helped police agencies draft policies.

    The department has also come under fire for adopting what some critics consider a bunker mentality in dealing with officer-involved shootings. Some members of the city’s Citizen Police Oversight Commission have complained in the past that they were shut out of investigations into police misconduct. The city also has refused to release a report by an independent consultant hired to evaluate the series of shootings and the department’s use of force.

    Police Chief Jacqueline Seabrooks declined Friday to discuss the specifics of the Justice Department’s findings, saying she was still reviewing them.

    “We’re evaluating policies,” she said. “We’re doing everything that we need to make sure the community can maintain its trust.”

    Inglewood Councilman Daniel Tabor said the city was preparing a response “explaining what’s already been done, correcting some of the interpretations of what we currently do and providing some additional information.”

    Justice Department spokesman Alejandro Miyar said the ongoing “pattern and practice” investigation is a civil matter focused on systemic issues but could lead to criminal investigations if violations are found. He said the Inglewood police have been “fully cooperative and responsive.” Federal authorities also have the option to bring lawsuits to pressure local authorities into reforming operations.

    The Times’ investigation found that five of the 11 people shot and killed by Inglewood police between 2003 and 2008 were unarmed. Among the dead was Jule Dexter, who had been stopped for drinking in public in June 2005.

    Officer Jose Estrada fired four shots into Dexter’s back and head as, witnesses said, he reached to pull up his baggy pants, which were slipping. Estrada later said he feared Dexter was reaching for a weapon, but none was recovered.

    After he was suspended for 16 days, Estrada challenged his discipline in court, complaining that the department’s deadly force policy was confusing.

    In August 2009, Superior Court Judge David P. Yaffe ruled that there was not enough evidence to support Estrada’s claim that the policy was vague and ambiguous.

    But Justice Department officials found that parts of the policy were vague and inconsistent with U.S. constitutional standards.

    The city’s general use of force rules fail to provide officers with clear guidance and give them too much discretion in determining what force to employ, officials wrote. Even a revised policy the agency is considering would fail to meet legal standards, according to the Justice Department.

    In their letter dated Dec. 28, federal officials also faulted the department for not offering enough direction or training for officers in dealing with suspects who are mentally ill or under the influence of drugs or alcohol. Dexter was both schizophrenic and under the influence of cocaine the day of his death, records show.

    The Justice Department also found fault in another area highlighted by The Times, the use of Tasers that deliver high-voltage shocks to suspects.

    The newspaper found that officers used Tasers on suspects who posed a questionable threat or who were handcuffed.

    Justice Department officials wrote that Inglewood gave its officers little direction in “how and when the Taser should be used.” The Justice Department advised the city to prohibit the use of the weapons on restrained suspects and recommended that it track officers’ use of Tasers.

    The Justice Department was also critical of the department’s complaint process, which it said could deter citizens from filing complaints. Officials recommended improvements in community outreach, saying that interviews with residents and others “revealed allegations of distrust and fear” of the police force.

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  • 20Nov

    eleccionesenhonduras

    The November 29th Elections in Honduras are a total fraud of democracy.  Held under a coup government - regardless of if Micheletti stands down for a few days during the election - these elections will only cement the right wing’s hold of Honduras if they are legitamized.

    The United States’ government has a sordid history of anti-democratic and anti-socialist military and political involvement in Latin America.  The Obama administration’s continued support of the elections in Honduras are a continuation of the coup-supporting politics that has always been common of every administration.

    The National Resistance Front in Honduras has called for a boycott of the elections, and this Front (which is composed of Zelaya liberals, union organizations, campesino organizations and others) can - in my view - accurately be said to represent the broadest layers of the masses and workers at this point.  The National Resistance Front has called on everyone both inside Honduras and out to reject any recognition of these elections as legitimate.  We agree, and cannot support this election process whatsoever, as the right wing desperately tries to maintain its dwindling foothold in Latin America and the hemisphere.

    The call for a constituent assembly has been raised by the Front as the only way to set up fair elections.  Elections, as the prime institution of so-called “democracy” in capitalist society, need to be recognized as legitimate or the system falls apart and is revealed more starkly as it truly is:  dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

    The issue at hand is the legitamacy of these elections, will the right wing win the day and rewrite history so that it was the right-wing heroes who stopped the renegade Chavista President Zelaya from ruining the country and had free and democratic elections… Or will the left win the day and forever let the world know that it was a coup d’etat when paramilitaries ran up in the presidential palace in the middle of the night and kidnapped the president.

    How will these deep division in Honduras be settled?  Can they be settled?  A constituent assembly could also be manipulated by the right-wing, there is an entire struggle before the constituent assembly is even formed about how it will be formed.  Will the consituent assembly be just another organization of bourgeois capitalist power and machinations, or will it be one where the Honduran masses have a strong and undismissable voice.

    All of the questions in Honduras these days would obviously lead to more favorable conclusions if the masses stay mobilized and organized to the highest degree possible.  When the facade of rotten capitalist democracy falls away, who could blame the Hondurans from stepping away from it?!  Today more than ever they must be supported in their struggle however far they may take it.

    The organic leaders of these movements are people that have survived in a society that has always been dominated by the right-wing.  They are seasoned veterans whatever their age.  The capitalists of the world would love to keep Honduran labor at rock-bottom prices, and they don’t care if even their own institution of bourgeois democracy gets in the way.  Go and search on the internet about investment opportunities in Honduras, see for yourself what they offer to be its greatest selling point.  Hence they will not hesitate to aid and abett a coup, an assassination, an imprisonment, whatever it is.

    The Honduran people have stood up and said enough is enough, they snatched the President in his sleep and put him on a plane to Costa Rica in the middle of the night.  Its ridiculous, its surreal, its 2009!  But when we see that capitalism itselt is not going to fundementally change, that it will remain opposed to a system of governance that truly represents the majority of society, then it isn’t so unbelievable that this can happen these days.

    Please support the Honduras resistance to the coup d’etat as much as you can.  You can hold educational forums and events where you can show video of the protests and have speakers talk about the struggle and history.  You can go to any protests and demonstations that are held.  You can hold fundraisers for Honduran Human Rights organizations.  There are many different ways you can help out, hopefully you will.

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  • 08Nov
    We first covered this story here.  This riot was caused by the prison guards beating a youth to death, the prisoners rose up to defend their rights.  Make sure to check out the link to our previous piece on this here because the pictures are amazing.
    Guard arrested for torture in Tijuana prison riots

    “We want better treatment by the authorities” one banner read. “The guards are assassins” said another

    “We want better treatment by the authorities” one banner read. “The guards are assassins” said another

    TIJUANA, Mexico — Mexican police caught a prison official who spent a year on the run from charges of killing a 19-year-old inmate, whose beating death sparked riots that left nearly two dozen dead, including two American prisoners.

    Marco Antonio Ibarra, the chief guard at Tijuana’s La Mesa State Penitentiary, was arrested in the northern city of Culiacan, where he was born and had been hiding for a year, said Martha Almaza, deputy attorney general for Baja California state.

    Ibarra was brought to Tijuana on Friday and paraded before reporters. Authorities did not say when he was arrested.

    Almaza said Ibarra ordered guards to take 10 prisoners into a storage room and beat them. She said Ibarra was trying to find out who owned drugs, cell phones and other prohibited items that had been discovered in one of the cells.

    The abuse, which resulted in the young prisoner’s death, provoked two uprisings over three days in September 2008. At least 23 inmates were killed, including two of the 200 Americans held at the prison at the time.

    Ibarra faces homicide and torture charges. Another guard charged in the case is still at large.

    http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5gYJaGbKevcTElz6D4FPZIQlamrogD9BQFD300

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  • 13Jun

    Nine policemen die in bloody clashes with Amazon Indians

    Police open fire on Amazon Indians blocking the road in Bagua Grande in Peru's northern province of Utcubamba on Friday.

    Police open fire on Amazon Indians blocking the road in Bagua Grande in Peru's northern province of Utcubamba on Friday.

    http://www.gulfnews.com/world/Peru/10320624.html

    Lima: President Alan Garcia laboured on Saturday to contain Peru’s worst political violence in years, as nine more police officers were killed in a bloody standoff with Amazon Indians fighting his efforts to exploit oil and gas on their native lands.

    The new deaths brought to 22 the number of police killed - seven with spears - since security forces moved early Friday to break up a roadblock manned by 5,000 protesters.

    Protest leaders said at least 30 Indians, including three children, died in the clashes. Authorities said they could confirm only nine civilian deaths, but cabinet chief Yehude Simon told reporters that 155 people had been injured, about a third of them with bullet wounds.

    He announced a 3pm-6am curfew in the affected region and said authorities had made 72 arrests.

     

    “The government was required to take these measures, not only for the president of the republic but for all 28 million Peruvians,” Simon said of breaking up the protests, which blocked the flow of oil and gas out of the Amazon and prevented food and supplies from coming in.

    “We’ve all been affected one way or another by the protest& when they take over highways and strategic points that can affect the national economy,” Simon said.

    The political violence is the Andean country’s worst since the Shining Path insurgency was quelled more than a decade ago, and it bodes ill for Garcia’s ambitious plans to boost Peru’s oil and gas output.

    It began early on Friday when security forces moved to break up a roadblock protesters mounted in early April. About 1,000 protesters seized police during the melee, taking more than three dozen hostage, officials said.

    Twenty-two officers were rescued in Saturday’s storming of Station No 6 at state-owned Petroperu in Imacita, in the jungle state of Amazonas, Defence Minister Antero Florez told the Radioprogramas radio network. He said seven officers were missing.

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  • 27Apr

    Terry Collingsworth said the SLC’s findings are consistent with his theory that Chiquita “began supporting the AUC to clear the FARC out of that region.”  For more info check this out.

    New report peels back layers on how, why Chiquita paid extortions to Colombian terrorists

    http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30430167/

    The first demand was for $10,000.

    It was delivered in the late 1980s to the manager of a Colombian banana farm at Chiquita Brands International Inc. It came from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), Marxist rebels who implied Chiquita employees would be kidnapped if the money wasn’t paid.

    “Everyone understood this was clearly extortion money,” said Robert Kistinger, then in charge of Latin American operations for Chiquita. “We had an ongoing situation where people were being killed.”

    And so begins a tale that ends badly for Chiquita.

    In March 2007, the Cincinnati banana company stunned investors, employees and the local business community by admitting it made regular payments to Colom­bian paramilitary groups for 15 years, ending in 2004. It said it had no choice – the lives of its employees were at risk.

    Chiquita pled guilty to a felony charge of engaging in transactions with terrorists. It has paid $10 million toward a $25 million fine and faces 10 federal suits seeking billions in damages. Nine have been consolidated before U.S. District Judge Kenneth Marra in South Florida.

    That’s where you’ll find Kistinger’s account of that $10,000 demand.

    It’s part of a recently filed 269-page report by a “special litigation committee” of Chiquita’s board of directors. The SLC is a legal strategy, often used to defend shareholder complaints. The report was filed with a motion to dismiss shareholder litigation. In a separate motion, Chiquita asked Marra to toss out six tort actions that argue Chiquita should be held liable to the families of people killed by the guerrilla groups it funded.

    “Chiquita’s board and management, faced with an untenable situation, struggled to act in the best interests of the company and to do the right thing,” said the report’s concluding paragraph. “Pursuing litigation will only prolong the company’s entanglement in matters that have absorbed, distracted and damaged it for close to six years.”

    Legal strategy aside, the SLC report offers an inside look at Chiquita’s turbulent history in Colombia. For the first time, it identifies executives who initiated payments, those who tracked them and those who ultimately halted the practice in 2004. And it sheds light on why the payments continued even after prosecutors warned they were illegal.

    “We read it with interest,” said Steven Steingard, whose Philadelphia law firm, Kohn Swift & Graf, represents the widows of five American missionaries kidnapped and murdered by the FARC in 1993 and ’94.

    “I’m not aware of a case where an Ameri­can company has laid out in such detail those kinds of things,” he said. “It’s a remarkable listing of …the conduct that went on for years and years that nobody knew about.”

    Deadly bus attack

    Chiquita’s special litigation committee is a panel of independent Chiquita directors, all of whom joined after the firm exited Colom­bia and stopped making payments. Those directors, Howard Barker, William Camp and Clare Hasler, spent nine months inves­ti­gating how officers and directors managed the payments and disclosed them to federal prosecutors and investors. The SLC had its own law firm, hired its own investigators. They interviewed more than 50 witnesses and reviewed 750,000 pages of docu­ments. They provided extensive context on the political climate in Colombia, where leftist revolutionaries made a practice of menacing and extracting payments from land owners and multinationals. Chiquita was both.

    “The SLC believes that the total amount of the guerrilla payments ranged from $100,000 to $200,000 per year,” the report said.

    Initially, the money went to left-wing groups, known as FARC and ELN. Violence was pervasive in Colombia. The SLC details many acts against the company, including a 1995 incident in which a bus carrying employees was attacked and 25 people killed.

    “Several witnesses believed that the FARC targeted the bus,” the report stated. “The mass­acre had a major impact on personnel both in Colombia and Cincinnati in reinforcing the reality of the threat of violence.”

    Starting in 1997, Chiquita paid a right-wing group known as the AUC, a sworn enemy to the FARC. It was designated a foreign terrorist organization by the State Department, making payments to it a violation of U.S. law. The SLC affirmed what Chiquita has said for years: No company offi­cial knew of the designation until 2003. Within two months of its discovery, the company reported its violations to the Justice Department.

    More than a dozen knew

    The SLC identified more than a dozen employees and board members who knew about the payments prior to the company’s discovery of the terrorist designation. They included former CEOs Keith Lindner, Steven Warshaw and Cyrus Freidheim, and company attorneys Charles Morgan, Robert Olson and Gregory Thomas. As early as 1995, the company had tracking mechanisms to monitor what it then called “sensitive” payments. In 1994, it produced the first in a series of legal opinions that concluded the payments complied with Colombian law.

    From 1998 to 2001, the company “disclosed a large quantity of information” about guerrilla payments to investigators from the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Justice Department, the SLC revealed.

    “Despite these broad disclosures, no one from the government ever suggested that the payments violated any provision of U.S. law,” the report stated.

    The SEC probe led to a $100,000 settlement in which Chiquita admitted an employee paid a $30,000 bribe to a port official in Uraba and that it violated accounting provisions in how it recorded the payment. The settlement was finalized in 2001, weeks after the AUC was listed as a terrorist organization.

    Payments to the AUC continued for 28 months after the initial listing. They continued for nearly a year after Chiquita discovered the designation in 2003. The SLC report indicates that’s partly because company officials feared the consequences of halting payments and partly because they misjudged the response they would ultimately receive from prosecutors.

    Condoning the payments?

    The report devotes 40 pages to its four years of negotiations with the Justice Department. One recurring theme in those pages is a communications gap on the crucial question of whether payments could continue while prosecutors reviewed facts in the case.

    Those problems started with an April 24, 2003, meeting in Washington, D.C. It was arranged by Chiquita director Roderick Hills, a former SEC chairman. Participants included Olson, Hills, outside counsel Laurence Urgenson and Michael Chertoff, former secretary of Homeland Security who was then the head of Justice’s criminal division.

    “The meeting at DOJ – and the interpretation of its meaning by Hills, Olson and Urgenson – had an enormous influence on the company’s actions in the months that followed and ultimately became a source of fierce controversy between DOJ and the company,” said the report.

    Chertoff told Chiquita the payments were illegal. But he agreed to consider “the foreign policy implications” of a withdrawal and acknowledged the issue was “complicated.” Within a month of that nuanced response, Chiquita resumed payments to the AUC, according to the report.

    Hills told the SLC that it was “inconceivable that DOJ did not understand that payments would have to continue” and Olson “believed the government was, in effect, condoning the payments” while other government agencies reviewed the matter.

    In September 2003, the SLC reports that federal prosecutor Michael Taxay “specifically declined” to tell Chiquita that the payments had to stop. But Taxay’s boss at the time claims that isn’t true.

    “They were certainly told,” said Roscoe Howard Jr., now a partner with the Trout­man Sanders firm in D.C. “I know they were told because I directed that they be told.”

    Taxay couldn’t be reached for comment.

    Howard said Chiquita sought meetings with higher-ranking Justice Department officials when it didn’t get the answers it wanted from prosecutors. But he doesn’t think that approach influenced the outcome of the case.

    “I’m sure Chiquita wanted to approach this as a policy issue,” he said. “I was treating it like a regular crime.”

    ‘Necessary to protect lives’

    According to the SLC, Chiquita was encouraged by the early response from Justice Department officials. But a December 2003 meeting “went badly … and strained the company’s relationship” with prosecutors.

    In the following two months, Chiquita agreed to sell its Colombian subsidiary, hired CEO Fernando Aguirre and made its last payment to the AUC. Prosecutors intensified efforts in early 2004, but the case appeared headed for settlement by the end of that year. In September 2005, a new prosecutor took charge, turning the case in a “more aggressive direction,” according to the report.

    Assistant U.S. Attorney Jonathan Malis hauled directors before a grand jury in 2005 and told Chiquita “directors … on the board while the payments were ongoing” could face charges. He pushed for the firm to expand its privilege waiver so prosecutors could examine letters and e-mails between Chiquita and its law firm, Kirkland & Ellis.

    Chiquita’s potential fine was later reduced from $79 million to $25 million, but the government wouldn’t budge on the request that executives not be prosecuted.

    Chertoff declined to comment. Malis could not be reached for comment.

    The impact of the SLC report will depend on what lawyers make of it. Brigham Young University law professor Gordon Smith said it should help Chiquita dispose of the four shareholder cases pending against it.

    “Courts are reluctant to … overturn the findings of an SLC that’s deemed to be independent, fully informed and acting in good faith,” Smith said.

    But two plaintiff attorneys pursuing lawsuits on behalf of victims of paramilitary violence say the report will help their case. Terry Collingsworth said the SLC’s findings are consistent with his theory that Chiquita “began supporting the AUC to clear the FARC out of that region.” The Washington lawyer’s human rights group has filed suits on behalf of several hundred victims of Colombian paramilitary violence.

    “It was a partnership,” he said. “I’ve talked to the commander and sub-commander … of AUC units in Colombia. They got calls all the time from managers of the banana plantations to handle various security matters.”

    The SLC invited plaintiff lawyers to share information on the company’s activities in Colombia. As of February, those lawyers had not provided the SLC with “any factual information,” the SLC report indicated.

    “There is no evidence, documentary or testimonial, that any Chiquita personnel believed the payments were made for the purpose of supporting either right-wing or left-wing groups,” said Chiquita spokesman Ed Loyd. “The SLC’s factual findings bear out what the company has said all along. The payments were necessary to protect the lives of our employees.”

    Apart from liability issues, some argue the SLC report points to a need for legislation to clarify the responsibilities of U.S. companies doing business abroad. Arvind Ganesan, director of the business and human rights program at Human Rights Watch in New York, said Chiquita executives spent years researching the legality of the payments.

    That decision would have been simple “if there were a law that said, ‘You cannot supply material support to a known human-rights abuser,’” said Ganesan. “Maybe the real lesson is, this should have been illegal in the first place.”

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  • 01Apr

    This is a bad sign for the peace process in Colombia.  The FARC relented on their major condition for peace talks - the demilitarized zone - and now Uribe is saying that isn’t good enough?!  The bottom line is that Uribe doesn’t want peace, then people might look at the narco-terrorist administration he runs.

    Terms set for Colombia Farc talks

     

    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7975879.stm

    Colombia’s President Alvaro Uribe has said he is ready to hold peace talks with Colombia’s Farc rebels, but that strict conditions would have to be met.

    He called for “a halt to all criminal activities” and a verifiable ceasefire.

    “We believe in peace, but we won’t allow new tricks,” he said, reiterating his resolve to fight the Farc.

    On Sunday, the rebel group dropped its demand for a demilitarised area to be set up as a precondition for talks on a swap of rebel hostages for prisoners.

    Farc has launched a new offensive, including a campaign of bomb attacks in cities, since suffering a series of defeats in 2008 - though it has recently suggested it may be willing to pursue “political alternatives”.

    The government, meanwhile, has been pursuing a strategy of pressuring individual rebel units into abandoning the 45-year civil conflict rather than engaging in high-level talks with the leadership.

    Now Mr Uribe has said he is willing to talk, but on tough conditions.

    “Peace has its demands. The moment a new process begins there must be a clear sign, a halt to all criminal activities by the groups who want to engage in the process, with verification,” he said.

    ‘Democratic values’

    Without the verification, he said, “we risk talking peace in a language that obfuscates terrorism”.

    He reiterated his government’s resolve to fight terrorism “in an all-out effort and in full respect of democratic values”.

    Mr Uribe has repeatedly been accused of ignoring human rights in his determination to crush the rebels.

    The Farc, meanwhile, has relaxed its insistence on securing an extensive demilitarised zone in Colombia’s south-west as a precondition for talks over exchanging 22 prominent hostages for hundreds of jailed rebels.

    There were several failed attempts at peace negotiations with Mr Uribe’s predecessor, Andres Pastrana, but since Mr Uribe came to power in 2002 such initiatives have been largely abandoned.

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  • 25Mar

    We first reported on this story hereThe supreme court refused the appeal, but they’re free anyway… criminals pardoned by a criminal.  But that’s how it goes when you’re affiliated with the most powerful gang in the streets (the police).

    Supreme Court refuses ex-Border Patrol agents’ appeal

    021709_border_agents

    These border patrol cops shot a man for nothing and then tried to cover it up.

    http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/hotstories/6333308.html

    WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court has refused to hear an appeal from two former Border Patrol agents convicted of shooting a fleeing drug smuggler and trying to cover it up.

    The high court refused to consider an appeal from Ignacio Ramos and Jose Compean.

    The former agents were convicted in 2006 of shooting Osvaldo Aldrete Davila near El Paso on the Texas-Mexico border. Investigators said the agents never reported the shooting and tried to cover it up by picking up several spent gun shells.

    Both former agents said they thought Aldrete was armed.

    Their conviction had been affirmed by the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in New Orleans. They served two years in prison before getting their 10-year sentences commuted by President George W. Bush.

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  • 13Mar

    “The guards of Ingrid Betancourt had been paid off”

     

    http://www.semana.com/noticias-international/the-guards-of-ingrid-betancourt-had-been-paid-off/121642.aspx

    A former French mediator questions the official version of spectacular “Operation Checkmate“, a rescue mission carried out by the Colombian army on July 2nd 2008, that freed former presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt, three US citizens and eleven more Farc hostages from captivity in the jungles of Colombia.

    Noël Saez, 67, a former mediator who had been commissioned by France to negotiate with Farc, has made now new accusations that overshadow the official version of how the rescue of the fifteen hostages took place, without shooting a single bullet.

    In an interview published in France’s major conservative daily “Le Figaro“ on Monday (March 9th), Mr Saez asserts that “the guards of Ingrid Betancourt had been paid off“ by the Colombian government long before the day the rescue mission occurred. “Otherwise, they would have never lost their hold of the hostages“, Mr Saez says. However, during the interview he does not present any concrete proof of this being true.

    Asked by “Le Figaro“ about the secrets hiding behind the assumed success of the rescue mission, the former French consul in Bogotá affirms: “people in Colombia are convinced that (the mission) was the result of an extraordinary job made by the army. I am willing to show the opposite“.

    In charge of this will be “L’emissaire“ (“The Emissary“), a book written by Mr Saez with the collaboration of the French journalist Claude Mendibil and placed into circulation by publisher Robert Laffont on Monday. In 250 pages, Mr Saez seeks to explain why “public opinion ignores how the rescue operation was accomplished“. Until now, there is general consensus about “Operation Checkmate“ being one of the most cleanly accomplished and perfectly designed military missions in history.

    In his book, Mr Saez also deals with “revealing the truth“ regarding the negotiations he leaded during his time as mediator between Farc and the French government. His mission had been to achieve the release of Ingrid Betancourt, who aside from the Colombian also possesses French citizenship. Between 2005 and 2008, Mr Saez had represented the governments of Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy vis-à-vis with the leaders of Farc.

    Mr Saez is convinced that the success of “Operation Checkmate” involved previous negotiations between the government of Álvaro Uribe and ’César’, the member of Farc in charge of watching after the fifteen hostages that were rescued. “The mission has been presented to us at the best of Hollywood-style“, he says. “But if you truly know Farc, it is unconceivable that something like that could have really happened“.

    According to Mr Saez’ book, “Operation Checkmate “ had already begun in February 2008, five months before the spectacular rescue took place. He told “Le Figaro“: “At that time, president Uribe informed Bernard Kouchner (France’s Foreign Minister) and me that the wife of ’César’, who had important duties within Farc, had been taken under arrest“. Mr Saez thinks that from this point on, and after finding an agreement with the government, ’César’ started to cooperate. He would yield the liberation of the 15 hostages under the condition of not being extradited to the United States.

    Mr Saez sees a support to his statements in an assessment made by President Uribe two weeks before the “Operation Checkmate” occurred. “A guerrilla fighter who has offered to release Ingrid Betancourt along with other hostages has received a letter from government, as he demanded from us. The director of DAS (Colombia’s Intelligence Service) did this with my authorization. We have told his that if he keeps his word he will not be extradited. Let’s hope he will“, Mr Uribe said during a panel on June 13th 2008.

    For Mr Saez, as false as the version spread by the government about the way in which the mission was carried out was the news—also divulged by the government on the eve of the mission—saying that he (then still working as emissary) had traveled to the Colombian jungles to meet Alfonso Cano, a rebel who had been recently appointed maximum chief of Farc. “That announcement only tended to make it credible for the guerrilla that the operation was taking place. The government used us“.

    Mr Saez statements are concordant with versions of the same story divulged by the Swiss broadcasting station “Radio Suiza Romande“, according to which “Operation Checkmate“ was an imposture—the truth being, that 20 million dollars had been paid to several Farc members in charge of keeping Ingrid Betancourt, the three American soldiers and the other rescued hostages under surveillance. This information, published by the Swiss radio just one day after the mission took place, came from an anonymous source quoted by journalist Frédéric Blassel.

    At that point, the Colombian government insinuated that Mr Blassel’s source had been another former European mediator, the Swiss citizen Jean-Pierre Gontard, a university professor that had represented the government of Switzerland at the face of Farc during many years. Mr Gontard’s country, together with France and Spain, had been included within the Group of Friendly Nations, an international commission that, with the accordance of President Uribe, was in charge of seeking a solution of armed conflict with Farc.

    Nonetheless, as his French colleague, Mr Gontard had to leave the country, too. Shortly after the success of “Operation Checkmate“, the government accused him—on the basis of evidence found in the laptop of former Farc leader Raúl Reyes—of having transgressed his functions as mediator.

    Until shortly, Mr Gontard had remained silent despite the strong and frequent accusations delivered against him by government officials. But the reproaches became so loud (he supposedly appears as the carrier of half a million dollars belonging to Farc found some months ago in Costa Rica), that he broke his silence in an interview published in “Le Monde“ on February 2nd . Mr Gontard categorically denies having transgressed the functions given to him by the Swiss government.

    In the interview published in “Le Figaro“ on Monday, his colleague Noël Saez sustains a parallel version. “I’ve got nothing to hide”, he says.

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  • 10Mar

    Che Part Two and 638 Ways to Kill Castro: killing Fidel Castro

    Dwight D. Eisenhower - 38 attempts

    John F. Kennedy - 42 attempts

    Lyndon Johnson - 72 attempts

    Richard Nixon - 184 attempts

    Jimmy Carter - 64 attempts

    Ronald Reagan - 197 attempts

    George Bush Sr - 16 attempts

    Bill Clinton - 21 attempts

    (from the london telegraph)

    Watching Che Part Two again the other night, and marvelling at Benicio Del Toro’s quietly majestic performance of the revolutionary doctor as he yomps through the Bolivian mountains to what we know will be certain death, I found myself more impressed than ever by director Steven Soderbergh’s achievement: the way he makes a story staled through hagiographic repetition feel raw and new; how he junks all the clichés of the ‘long march’ sub-genre the better to portray the frequently undramatic realities of guerilla struggle; the extent to which he decenters and depersonalizes Che.

     

    The mark of a good biopic is that it leaves you wanting to learn more about its subject rather than being the final word on him or her.  With Che the best place to start is Jon Lee Anderson’s biography on which Soderbergh drew heavily while researching his film.  An even better evocation of America’s dark, self-serving relationship to Cuba and to Latin America in the Cold War period is to be found in an extraordinary and relatively little-known documentary called 638 Ways To Kill Castro (2006).

    The title is not a joke.  Director Dollan Cannell, drawing on interviews with Cuban intelligence officers and a great deal of original historical research, has discovered hundreds of attempts on the life of Che’s fellow freedom fighter and, from 1959, President of the Socialist Republic.

    They involved grenade attacks at a baseball game he was attending; feeding him a poisoned milkshake at the Havana Hilton; ambushing a presidential convoy as it made its way to the national airport; packing plastic explosives inside a softball that was meant to be thrown at a passing motorcade during his visit to the States to meet Jimmy Carter in the late 1970s.

    It gets more bizarre: operatives tried to insert poison in a fountain pen that, they hoped, he would use to scratch his beard; they tried both to poison his cigars and to plant explosives in them; upon discovering that he was a keen diver they poisoned a diving suit only to discover that he preferred to wear an older style; disappointed, they hatched a plan to pack dynamites into sea shells so that he’d be been blown up underwater, but failed because they couldn’t find a Caribbean mollusc large enough.

    These gimcrack schemes seem sensible compared to some of the tactics they intended to deploy to discredit Castro in the early 1960s.  One involved spraying LSD on the television station from which he was broadcasting in the hope that he would wig out live on air.

    Another pivoted around the American astronaut John Glenn who had recently embarked upon a space mission; the plan, had he gone missing, was to claim that Castro had zapped the astronaut’s module with magnetic rays.  Fortunately for Glenn, and unfortunately for the vultures in secret service, he returned to earth safely.

    What’s remarkable about these covert operations to oust Castro are not just the outlandish, almost Hanna-Barbera forms they took - at one point, before the Bay of Pigs invasion, Miami Zoo was being used as a training camp for Cuban exiles - but that they have continued for five decades.  They were developed in both Democratic and Republican eras.  Cannell breaks down the assassination attempts by political leader:

    Dwight D. Eisenhower - 38 attempts

    John F. Kennedy - 42 attempts

    Lyndon Johnson - 72 attempts

    Richard Nixon - 184 attempts

    Jimmy Carter - 64 attempts

    Ronald Reagan - 197 attempts

    George Bush Sr - 16 attempts

    Bill Clinton - 21 attempts

    Add these up and you get 634, not the 638 claimed by former Cuban Intelligence Chief Fabian Escalante.  Cannell says: “We knew of several plots from other sources that he hadn’t included.”  He adds: “We are NOT claiming that all these plots were presidentially endorsed.  The reality is more complex:  most are inspired, with differing degrees of complicity from the CIA at various points, by Miami Cubans.

    “While the allegation of direct presidential complicity can be made with some degree of certainty in the case of Eisenhower, it’s highly controversial even in the case of Kennedy (certainly there are historians, eg Seymour Hersh, who have argued Kennedy’s culpability), let alone all the subsequent Presidents.  In the case of, for example, Jimmy Carter, it’s unthinkable that he would have endorsed a CIA related assassination plot.”

    None the less, the effect of these botched and unsuccessful attempts to kill Castro was to make him stronger rather than weaker.  He came to be seen as David to the Goliath of American imperialism.  He was near-invincible, a superhero, protected by the positive spirits cast by priests belonging to the island’s Santeria religion.  Asked by a journalist if he wore bullet-proof clothing, he replied: “I have a moral vest”.  As for the guards who shielded him from attack, they became popular heroes after their work was dramatized on a state-television cop show.

    Cannell’s film begins to get really dark when it investigates the men who were assigned or who took it upon themselves to kill Castro.  Initially, the CIA hooked up with the Mafia whose mobster members had made a mint organizing crime during the Batista era and who were furious at being hounded out of Havana.

    The CIA also worked with the likes of Antonio Veciana, a gun-runner and cocaine smuggler, and later a marine-supplies storeowner in Miami.  He founded the paramilitary group Alpha 66 and on three occasions came close to assassinating the Cuban leader.  In 1963, John F. Kennedy tried to have Veciana arrested after he suggested that the American government had supported his attack on Soviet ships docked in Cuba.

    The CIA helped Venezuelan Luis Posada Carriles who has admitted to attacking Cuban hotels and nightclubs in the late 1990s.  When he was held by US authorities in Texas for minor visa irregularities, he lamented: “I’m imprisoned by my own allies.”  The US government has consistently refused to extradite this man, dubbed the ‘Bin Laden of Latin America’, on the grounds that he will face torture back in Caracas.

    Most notorious is Orlando Bosch, the man responsible for the 1976 bombing of a Cuban civilian plane that killed all 73 passengers, among them the island’s fencing team, and whose panicked pilot is heard, via black box recorder, in the documentary.  Bosch, helped by the US Ambassador to Venezuela Otto Reich, was taken to the States where he was detained for six months before being freed by George Bush Jr’s brother Jeb.

    Bosch, like Veciana and Carriles, is interviewed by Cannell in the documentary, and, like them, he is totally unrepentant.  Asked about the plane attack, he replies: “I’m supposed to say no.”  He adds: “In a war, wherever you are, you have to destroy the enemy’s submarines and aeroplanes, anything you can.  That’s how it is.  I consider we are at war with Fidel Castro.  In war everything is valid.”

    These men are dark nostalgists.  They are committed to their hate.  It keeps them tied to a Cuba that has changed a good deal since they left many decades before.  But they’re also terrorists of the kind that America says it is deeply opposed to.  It’s a point Cannell emphasized when I contacted him after watching the film: “The treatment by the United States of accused terrorists like Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carriles is in extremely stark contrast to the treatment of accused Islamic terrorists since September 11th. 

    “In short, this story reveals extraordinary double standards over ‘terrorism’.  It may be unfair to use the past to berate the present, but this story does connect powerfully to the present, since accused terrorists of the Castro era are still living free in Miami.  In a supreme irony, the accused terrorists of the 9/11 era are behind bars in Cuba! - Guantanamo Bay.”

    In the documentary, Wayne Smith, a former US diplomat in Cuba, tries to explain this contradiction: “Cuba seems to have the same effect on American administrations that the full moon had on werewolves.  We may not sprout hair and howl, but we behave in the same way.  Just irrationally.”  Of the word “kill”, he says with acerbic judiciousness: “That word is not easily used in government circles.”

    This is meant to be a golden age for documentaries.  It is commonplace to argue that they expose viewers to the kinds of urgent, necessary stories that rarely get screened on television any longer.  I asked Cannell about its reception in the States: “It played well at festivals, eg, SXSW, but didn’t get a mainstream network TV release.  Sundance Channel though has screened it. 

    “The reception in the US was overshadowed by a controversy that arose when in the publicity for the film we released a clip of an interview (not used in the doc itself) with Cuban American Congress member Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, in which she said that she would welcome any attempt on the life of Fidel Castro.  This was to say the least uncomfortable for her since - despite the fact that in Miami such a sentiment would be absolutely normal - if you’re in the running for chair of the House Foreign Relations Committee, it’s not the sort of thing you’re meant to say. 

    “Ileana’s response was to accuse us of concocting the clip, editing her words together to make her say something she’d never said.  I released the transcripts, the rushes etc, and she eventually retracted on Christmas Eve, a good day to bury bad news.”

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  • 07Mar

    Former Nazis and the CIA helped South American dictators out with torturing leftists during the ‘Dirty Wars’ of the 70s.  The socialist tide that they prevented at that time is back again, what will they resort to this time in their struggle against liberation and socialism?

    Hidden cells reveal Bolivia’s dark past

    Deputy interior minister Marcos Farfan

    Marcos Farfan was tortured with electric shocks by the military regime
    -

    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7925694.stm

    “There is no beginning without an end, but you will pay me back,” reads an engraving on the wall of a dark and humid room in the basement of a government building in Bolivia’s administrative capital, La Paz.

    Next to it, stains of blood drawing four fingertips seem like grim blemishes, not at all adornments.

    Bolivia is unearthing this dark part of its past.

    Bone found in the cells (Pic: Bolivia's Ministry of Government)

    Bones found in the cells could hold a clue to the fate of those missing
    -

    The left-wing government of Evo Morales has recently discovered what his government calls “the horror chambers” - torture cells found by chance when contractors uncovered blocked off hallways in the basement of the Ministry of the Interior.

    Those hallways led to cells where around 2,000 political prisoners were held and tortured during the 1971-1978 military rule under General Hugo Banzer.

    More than 150 political prisoners “disappeared” and bones found in the basement could hold a clue to the fate of some of them.

    Electric shocks

    History says that, among other atrocities, electric shocks applied with a cattle prod in the genitals and teeth were common currency in those underground rooms.

    The victims were left-wing militants. The perpetrators were right-wing military men under the rule of a ruthless military ruler.

    “It was really a desperate situation,” says Bolivia’s deputy interior minister, Marcos Farfan, who after the rooms were uncovered, talked to the BBC about the horrors of the prison where he was placed in a flooded cell and electrocuted.

    “One wanted to grab the ceiling and escape. There was nowhere to go because the electric shocks came from the floor and you could feel the electricity in your entire body… That way they were trying to extract from you the information they needed.”

    Mr Farfan has been looking for these secret rooms since winning office three years ago.

    He was detained and tortured in one of those rooms when he was a teenage militant in the National Liberation Army, a clandestine group created by the Argentine-Cuban revolutionary Ernesto “Che” Guevara in the late 1960s.

    “So we started the works and by simply touching the walls one could feel there were empty spaces behind them,” he said.

    “That drove us to open up those spaces and that was when we discovered that the terror infrastructure that existed during the 70s still exists, a place where they put needles underneath my nails and applied electric shocks in my testicles and teeth.”

    Torture centres

    Now Bolivia’s government hopes the cells and hallways can provide clues to what happened in the clandestine torture centres.

    There is strong evidence that torture and political murder were widespread in Bolivia in the 70s under the military government of Gen Banzer.

    Earlier this week, President Morales visited the alleged torture chambers, where even the graffiti on the walls are clues to the fate of prisoners.

    “There were a lot of accusations that torture chambers, underground cells, existed during the dictatorship. It’s unacceptable that this has happened, certainly during the dictatorship in the 1960s and 70s. We have to investigate and I ask that the excavations continue,” Mr Morales said.

    Gen Banzer, a US-trained soldier, seized power in a bloody coup in 1971 and was Bolivia’s ruler until 1978.

    Files from the 1970s  (Pic: Bolivia's Ministry of Government)

    Files and documents from the 1970s have been unearthed in the basement
    -

    His military rule ushered in violent repression of opponents. It is also known that the notorious Nazi-in-hiding Klaus Barbie - “The Butcher of Lyon” - was Gen Banzer’s adviser in torture methods.

    Widely accepted figures say that during Gen Banzer’s tenure 19,000 people sought asylum in foreign countries, 15,000 were arrested, more than 8,000 brutally tortured and at least 155 disappeared without a trace.

    Charges were brought in the early 80s but no-one went to trial. After the era of Latin American military leaderships ended in the late 80s, he reinvented himself as a democrat, winning the presidency in 1997.

    His foes say the former hardline ruler never lost his authoritarian streak, continuing to abuse human rights and failing to help the Andean nation’s poor, Indian majority even as an elected leader.

    His supporters, however, say Gen Banzer did more to strengthen Bolivian democracy than any of his predecessors.

    Though many praised him for embracing democracy, his past still haunted him.

    ‘Plan Condor’

    Evidence presented in 1999 linked his previous regime to the notorious “Plan Condor”, which allegedly involved joint operations among South American military dictatorships in the 70s aimed at kidnapping, torturing and assassinating leftists and dissidents in Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Uruguay and Paraguay.

    Delia Cortez, who now heads the Association of Families of the Disappeared, went into exile to Argentina in 1973 but her then-partner was “disappeared”.

    Now, bones allegedly belonging to some of those who vanished have been found this week in the basement rooms.

    “For us this is very painful but a milestone,” she told the BBC.

    “We always knew some of our companions were killed there but we never had concrete proof, until now.

    “Now we can begin a trial. Now we can properly search for justice. Now we can, hopefully, close this horrendous chapter.”

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